Topic > Chronic Illness in Minority and Low-Income Communities in the United States

IndexIntroductionMethodLiterature ReviewDiscussion/AnalysisConclusionIntroductionIn 2005, there were 133 million Americans who had at least one chronic illness (Bodenheimer, Chen, Bennett 2009). This number is overwhelming and has only increased to date. Your quality of life decreases exponentially when battling a chronic illness as you are in constant pain. These people not only suffer physically but also mentally from the associated factors related to their disease. Those who do not speak fluent English may not be able to fully understand how to prevent certain diseases, even if a doctor is speaking to them. There may be stigmas related to some diseases, such as HIV, that may prevent these people from receiving early treatment. The experiences of chronic illness sufferers, including those around them, can impact them on a personal level and can significantly influence how they proceed in managing their associated illness. Say no to plagiarism. Get a tailor-made essay on "Why Violent Video Games Shouldn't Be Banned"? Get an Original Essay The burden of chronic disease is worsening and is more prevalent in minority and low-income communities. Their situation can pose a serious burden to those who are not fortunate enough to have good, if any, healthcare. Policies need to be established to help these people cope with whatever illness they have. Prevention and management of chronic diseases are an important factor in maintaining a good quality of life. In this article we will review studies and experiences related to chronic diseases in minority and low-income communities (Mosack, Abbott, Singer, Weeks, Rohena 2005). Method I chose this topic because for the past year my mother has been battling a chronic disease, transverse myelitis, which is an inflammation of the spine. One day, she suddenly began to lose feeling below her shoulders and was rushed to the hospital. After a month in hospital and rehab she returned home. A year later he is much better, but he still cannot walk properly and has constant nerve pain. I see her struggle every day even though she is fortunate enough to have excellent healthcare and support. This got me thinking about how those who don't have great health insurance, or any at all, cope with such disabling illnesses. There is a serious correlation between minority/low-income communities and chronic disease. This may be related to the lack of knowledge about prevention and management of the disease. The process of finding information on the topic was easy as there are many articles and studies based on it. Because minority and low-income communities are often immigrants, they may not be knowledgeable about how we treat their illnesses in the United States, as they are not yet fully assimilated. In some of these articles their experiences make it clear that there is a significant problem with how they cope with chronic diseases (Charmaz 2006). The studies observed for this article include those that use tools to analyze the distribution of environmental risks and which populations are the most vulnerable among those living in California (Cushing, Faust, August, Cendak, Wieland, Alexeeff 2015). This can be useful when trying to determine whether low-income or minority communities are truly more at risk than others. Another study compares the experiences of three immigrant groups and evaluates their health-seeking behaviors (Choi 2003). This can beused to determine how different groups of people view primary and preventative care, to ensure that everything is done to make sure they are taken care of. Another study attempts to involve all political areas in health promotion (Gelormino, Melis, Marietta, Costa 2015). Other studies attempt to evaluate the individual feeling of vulnerability associated with family risk (Walter, Fiona, Emery, Jon, Braithwaite, Dejana, Marteau, Theresa 2004). The experiences of family members of people with chronic illnesses influence how relatives cope with the risk of being in the same position. Another study studies the World Health Organization and its description of environmental disparities and associated health outcomes (Kruize, Droomers, Van Kamp, Ruijsbroek 2014). Literature Review When diagnosed with a chronic illness, the first thing people usually do is look for meaning in their condition. One study addresses how people with chronic illnesses may view their situation and their comparative health (Charmaz 2006). This information is collected from 165 people suffering from a chronic disease, measuring their various activities as an indicator of physical status. It was established that the people interviewed carefully examine their feelings towards the disease, making it difficult to get certain things done. In the subsequent study, an environmental justice screening tool was used to compare the distribution of environmental risks and vulnerable populations among Californians (Cushing, Faust, August, Cendak, Wieland, Alexeeff 2015). From 2004 to 2013, seventeen indicators were created with publicly available data in a related collective impact score. They compared the cumulative impact scores of California ZIP codes based on their location, urban or rural feel, and racial/ethnic composition. They assessed which indicators were most unequally distributed with respect to ethnicity/race and poverty. The findings show that environmental health threats burden communities of color in California more than other communities. Trying to reduce disparities in pollution distress can use simple screening tools to determine which areas need the most help. Now let's determine how different immigrant groups may view health differently. In this study, the author investigates how immigrants' health-seeking actions are changed during the acclimation process by comparing the experiences of three Asian Pacific immigrant groups in Hawaii: Filipinos, Koreans, and Marshallese (Choi 2013). A total of 91 participants were interviewed. All three groups faced substantial changes in their health-seeking behaviors, but in different ways that varied from group to group. Koreans tended to experience a reduction in pursuing both primary and preventive healthcare after immigration. Filipinos and Marshallese have in fact strengthened their actions in favor of health. Previous healthcare experiences in the country of origin, combined with individual characteristics and the social framework of the host country, significantly influenced the formation of health-seeking behaviors after immigration. The study concludes that interventions should be individual-dependent and take into account the underlying behavioral changes and problems that each immigrant population experiences. From here we must determine how to change policies to promote health. This study attempts just that. If marginalized groups are not health oriented, they tend to?