In this article I would like to talk about how the act of modernization has affected the marriage customs and the role of relatives in light of the marital customs of the Thadou-Kuki Society Kuki. In this article I would like to illustrate the impact of Christianity on the marriage norms and customs of this group of people. What are the drawbacks, where and how has the community responded to the Christian ideology of Holy Matrimony; and how has it maintained its traditions while keeping up with the religious transition after colonization? I would also like to highlight how the two cultural and religious ideologies of marriage have a similar impact on the community and what their positive aspects are. Say no to plagiarism. Get a tailor-made essay on "Why Violent Video Games Shouldn't Be Banned"? Get an original essayMarriage in Thadou societyThadou-Kuki society has many ancient traditions and customs, it is one of the groups of people in the northeast with different rules and rules customs whether it is birth, death or marriage. Various rules and customs are associated with each activity and, since marriage is one of the most important events in an individual's life, there are various customs and rules that he or she is required to respect. There are four types of marriage recognized among the Thadou: chongmu, sahapsat, jol-lha' and kijam tnang. The first two forms are considered real marriage, while the other two are equivalent to forms of elopement in which there is no real ceremony. Chongmu: In this form of marriage, the groom's parents contact the bride's parents to find out whether they are willing to allow the union. If the bride's parents give their consent, they kill a pig for the representatives (their relatives) of the groom, have dinner together and drink ju (rice beer for example). This is referred to as sumtansha. After that an agreement is reached on the amount of the wedding price to be paid, instead they discuss how much should be brought on the wedding day. If the question of returning the mān (marriage price) ever arises for reasons such as divorce, then the sumtansha expense will be returnable. During this period, together with this party, the date of the bride's reception is also set. The representatives of the groom's people then return and inform him and his parents of the agreement. There may be some haggling over the amount of the wedding price, but the full amount to be paid is finally settled before the bride is taken away. When all is accomplished, the groom sends able-bodied young men with his representatives to fetch the bride on the appointed day, sending the amount of the agreed upon wedding price to be paid at that time, but leaving the greater part as balance to be paid. paid later. These representatives are celebrated at the expense of the bride's people and both sides fight and much dung and filth is thrown at the groom's party. In the evening, drums and gongs are played and songs are sung by everyone together during the celebration. The next day the groom's party departs triumphantly with the bride and the wedding is complete, save for the difficulty of gradually paying off the balance of the price. After the groom takes his wife, the marriage is not yet consummated until she returns to her father's house on a previously agreed upon later date, when a further installment of the maupi (bride price) is paid. This could happen a few days, a month, or even three months later. This throwing of mud, dung and rotten eggs at the groom's party occurs on three occasions*: the first upon his arrival at the bride's house; then when the pig is killed or when the celebration is held the next day, and finally when the groom's party leaves, which it mustoccur before dawn the following day. The fight also takes place on these three occasions, and the young people who fight must be perfect, none of them must be missing a limb or an organ or even the joint of the little finger. This condition also applies strictly to the thempu who officiates the marriage. Shapsat: In this form of marriage, unlike Chongmu, fighting and other festivities are not practiced and generally the bride is taken away on the same day or the next morning. c) Jol-lha: This type of marriage system does not provide any agreement regarding the price of marriage. This is a case of marriage due to the woman's pregnancy resulting from an intrigue between a young man and a girl. This man consequently takes her as his wife, when her status is made known. There is no prior agreement between the parties and there are no marriage ceremonies. However, as a rule the man is established. Kijam Mang: When a young man and girl run away and live together without or against the consent of the parents of one or both parties. . No ceremonies are held and the man is settled in due course. In the last two forms of marriage there is no sumtansha and therefore it cannot be claimed later in case of divorce. In these two forms of marriage a ceremony called inlut is usually performed by the husband after a certain period of time; it is simply a way to get closer to the woman's parents and make peace with them. It is usually during this period that the price of the wedding is set. Inlut in its literal sense means "entered the house", and the fleeing couple is thus recognized as daughter and son-in-law. Bride PriceThe question of the amount of wedding prices among the Thadou is not settled. Leaders and wealthy people usually claim and pay the equivalent of 10 mithun, Rs. 200 cash, 2 Dapi (large gong), 2 Dapu (set of three gongs), 2 Khichang (ear beads); 2 Khichong (necklaces). a pair of mithun, khichang and a khichong and Rs. 25 in cash. In most cases the man is switched. For example, in some cases a pig can be considered as a mithun 4 mithun and a jar of ju for a khichang or khichong. Therefore, the bride's parent almost never receives the wedding price in full, but more or less in the form of fictitious substitutes. They love to name large sums like man does not. with any guarantee of getting it, but out of pride that their daughter got married for so long, when asked exactly what they received, it will be found that in reality a much smaller sum was accepted with full satisfaction by a system; of fictitious values. Here we see that although this is a huge amount in the sense of the word, unlike the Hindu dowry system it is not very rigid. Furthermore, very few, if ever, intend to pay their wives' man in full, as it is customary for their children or nearest male heirs to pay a portion if not most. Therefore, it is often seen that claims are admitted as pending for more than 5 generations for the still unpaid man's balance. As a result, the current generation is inevitably burdened with debts owed to great-great-grandmothers, aunts and other relatives whose descendants they are or represent. So the Thadou tribe is full of controversies on this topic and the Christian movement has done good in this direction. The various bride prices that can be demanded by the bride's family are given below: Mankeng: Mankeng is a mithun that can be demanded by the bride's father's brother or his best friend, but in return he has to give the bride a dowry below shape of necklaces, etc. To claim this, however, she must, at different times, kill three pigs or their theoretical equivalents, for the husband or for her next male relative if the husbandis dead, but it is considered a violation of etiquette for the claim to be made by anyone other than the husband. If the donor dies before a pig is killed, there is no claim against the groom. Sumkhao Sat Tan Man: If after being engaged by the act of sumtansha, the girl remarries, then a mithun must be paid to the newlyweds first for breach of promise. The same applies to the man if he fails to fulfill the contract, and a mithun is due to the girl's parents. But in this case it is called jouman (to lie). Chalam: The first child to die in a family is known as chalam. No long man can be claimed for this, this implies that the first group (father, mother and child) but as soon as one of these children grows up, marries and has a child, he is considered to have left the family for Chalam as they are formed a new unit or group. Jalkhunchonman: This payment of mithun is made in place of the second man to the parents or closest male relatives of the women by her second husband if he is the brother or in direct relation to her first husband. This is because it is customary for a brother to take the wife of his deceased brother, although he may already be married. Here we can trace a form of polygamy. Noitnichonman: When a woman's husband dies and she does not return to her parents' house but continues to live in her husband's house or village. And if she happens to marry another person, then a mithun is paid to the male next of kin of the deceased husband by her new husband in addition to any man who may be agreed between him (new husband) and his parents to be paid to the latter . At second marriage a complete man is never mistaken for a divorced, widowed or runaway wife. According to custom it must be at least one mithun less. This second price of marriage is spoken of as nungkitman, lamlhang chotlha man or lamlhang Iho'lha' man and not as man or manpi.Dumdi'man: This is the payment of a mithun, if a married woman should die without having children, this is paid as a form of completion of all debts to her father or close male relative. Not even the longman is due. Dumdi'man is paid only when none of his man or nungkitman has been paid. If a portion has already been paid by the man or nungkitman, the woman's death simply cancels the balance. The dumdi'manna can only be claimed if she has given birth to a female and has no males but nowadays there is a new school which holds that if females are born then the man should be paid in full as the The girl's man will be enjoyed by her husband or a close male relative. William Shaw says that in such cases a mithun of each girl's marriage price is paid to the mother's male next of kin at the time of marriage as compensation for the loss of manhood suffered by the mother's people. If a boy was born, then the full amount must be paid, although most of the sum is usually compensated with a smaller sum, unless the parties are at enmity, when they fly to court in the hope of extracting a tooth more big. Jol-lei : This is the amount of one mithun that the suitor of a pregnant woman must pay to her father or next of kin male, if he does not marry her. If he intends to take charge of the child when he is able to wean it, then he will have to pay yet another mithun for maintenance to the father or next of kin at the time of taking charge of the child. This is called Chavahman, if he refuses to take the child when he is able to wean it, then he is treated as a member of his mother's family. However, the moment the issue of Jol-lei is resolved, the lover must say whether he intends to take the child or not and must stick to it. TOStrictly speaking, the child should be born in the lover's house, thus ensuring formal recognition of filiation. Sukai: This is an amount of Rs. 4 paid by the groom to the chief or village to which the bride belongs when he takes her as his wife. The story of how this happened is intriguing. In the time of chief Munthom one of the inhabitants of his village took a Kilnem as wife and fled to the village of Khodai. Munthom went to Khodai village to recall them but was killed by the inhabitants of that village. Mangjel, Munthom's brother, was too cowardly to avenge his brother's death but when Thomhil, Munthom's son, grew up, he attacked Khodai's village and killed many of them, taking a war drum and a mithun horn. He then said that he would take sukai from all those who married girls from his village from then on as longman of Muntlion and so the custom became established. Jachatman: It is the amount of one mithun paid by the man who lures or impregnates another man's wife. It is paid by the adulterer to the husband. Furthermore, she must return to her husband all the man or nungkitman still paid. The woman's father or male heir will then sue the adulterer for the balance still owed. Divorce: If a man divorces his wife without reason, he loses everything he paid for. man or nungkitman and also has to pay a mithun as Daman (rejection). If the woman runs away from her husband without reason, the paid man or nungkitman must be returned to the husband. It is customary for the man to try to call his wife back if she turns away from him. If he does not, then it is obviously a case of daman and confiscation of the man or nungkitman who was paid. If she refuses to return despite being asked to do so, then the man is returnable. The causes of divorce are often very trivial and most of the blame lies with the man, in one way or another. Thadou often approaches divorces in such a way as to avoid the usual financial consequences. Sumken (carried money): This is the dowry given to the bride by her father's brother or best friend. The original name was Thilken (carried materials) meaning "gift of property", modernized to "gift of money". "Lutom (headdress): This is the gift of a black cloth (the one called Pondum) to the mother of the bride by her husband for giving birth to the baby girl of his choice. Laisui: It is the gift of a pugaree to the father of the bride by the husband to be the begetter of the girl he selected.These are some of the customary laws and rules practiced by the Thadou people regarding marriage customs accordingly, according to the clan and order of her birth Christianization: and its impact on the Thadou community Wherever the European, and later the American, powers extended their political and commercial tentacles, the Christian Mission accompanied them. So, of course, Northeast India beware. also in this region proselytism began through schools, hospitals and orphanages. We see how slowly traditional practices, whether religious or customary, were replaced by the so-called Christian tradition and norms. While in 1851 there were only four schools and only 85 church-goers, by 1856 the number had increased, to 74 and 1922 respectively. The Garo, who first converted in large numbers, numbered 875 in 1922. The number of converts continued to increase rapidly in all parts of north-eastern India. The membership of the Nagaland Baptist Church alone increased from 28,623 in 1941 to 88,378. in 1965, an increase of more than 300%. According to the 1971 census, the Christian population in the Northeast amounted to more than 1.7 million, or 9.12%. The states of Nagaland (66.86%), Meghalaya (46.94%), Manipur (26%) and Mizoram (86.14%) are the mostChristians of the North-East. The schools, colleges and churches opened by the Christian Missions have done much to change the needs, as well as the perception of those needs, among the local population. They provided new ideas, elements of new culture and new ideologies. In many cases, the sudden ideological void created by a change in traditional Jhum cultivation has been filled by Christianity. As one of Majumdar's informants (1978, 150) says, “we have no rice to prepare rice beer, so we cannot perform Amua or Krita when someone is sick in the house. Now that we have accepted Christianity, we do not need to perform such rites, we go to the doctor and bring medicine which is much cheaper than providing Chu or Ju. When some of our relatives come to visit us, we offer them a cup of tea, which is cheap. We don't need it nowoffer them Chu, even a small jar of which costs five or six rupees. Arts and Culture of North East India From this we see how Christianity spread widely in the North East this as an effect also reached the Thadou community, and from the vigorous rituals of marriage customs there came a sudden change in the dynamics of marriage norms in the Thadou community. Where once the Thadou community took pride in their customs and traditions, to today's scenario where only 10 out of 100 inhabitants of the Thadou community still strictly follow this norm. On the other hand, if we evaluate the Jewish customs and norms, there seem to be some connections with the Thadou society and through this we see how, although Christianity has taken its tool over this group of people, it seems that it is the case where the tradition of the Kuki the community adapts to Christian culture. The Thadou community is an example of a community that has absorbed the Christian values ​​of its tradition, while maintaining its own traditions. Holy Matrimony, as a concept is very popular especially in the current Thadou society, is seen as a means of boasting for families which replaces the amount of bride price culture mentioned earlier. The concept of purity has inspired many to follow the The first form of marriage mentioned above is Chongmu. This has a very positive impact on the community group as it helps prevent elopements and unwanted pregnancies, but although it has many positive factors attached to it, we see that it also has various drawbacks. It seems that the concept of holy marriage, especially the poorer group of Thadou society, has to suffer the most as many today use it as a platform to show off wealth and their piety; but the negative impact seems to be that in many Thadou societies today parents can be seen encouraging their children to run away. As we have seen above, the cost of escaping appears to be much less and all that is required of them is the inlut. Christianity motivates and yet pervades everyone, their meaning reflects something beyond their current conditions and allows them to rise above their circumstances. This allows the individual to carry out his activity in a more meaningful and purposeful end. It creates a form of general order of existence that we see a lot in the Thadou community. In current statistics the majority of the Thadou population are Christians with various denominations, this has had its drawback with the division between groups of people, but it has also established a set of behaviors in society. It can be said that, thanks to its patriarchal foundation, one can understand why Christian practices seem legitimate and reasonable. Conclusion As in the case of Christianity and marriage norms of Thadou society, as we can see that there are various consequential norms and laws.